Dec.19, 2003:  PoliSat .Com's Political Satire/ Commentary   Daily Update # 01·· ™©·2003··
Where the satire is always commentary, but the commentary isn't always satire (but you'll know the difference)·
(Permanent, direct link to this Daily Update:  http://polisat.com/du2003/du031231.htm#20031219-01.)
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The Jose Padilla case-- Martial detention versus law-enforcement detention.·


Combating Terror:  Policing or Soldiering?.
To rule the Commander in Chief
must treat as a mere arrestee 
a citizen found
for terrorists bound
to kill us will yield our defeat.

But critics of those who did not
in time hook the Nine-One-One dots
so righteously bow
when judges allow
Miranda's concealment of dots.

It's not rocket science to find
distinctions twixt warfare and crime,
so citizens seized
in terrorist deeds
cannot hide the dots we must find.

With counsel to argue both sides
in chambers a court can decide
if factors are showing
a danger that's growing
so dots the accused cannot hide.

Although this is no panacea,
in cases like that of Padilla,
defense counsel needn't
meet clients for pleadin'
for crim'nal not martial arenas.

    Yesterday, in the case of
José Padilla, the Court of Appeals ruled that evidence of a citizen's presence in this country to carry out a terrorist mission as agent of a terrorist organization at war with the United States is insufficient to negate applicability of the full panoply of constitutional rights guaranteed to a citizen charged with a mere criminal offense.  Sharing the view that we must avoid destroying our Constitutional rights in an elusive pursuit of an unattainable level of safety from terrorism (as I explained on June 1, 2002), I nevertheless have confidence that the judicial system can make a reliably meaningful determination of whether evidence supports military detention of an American citizen as an agent of terrorists organizations at war with the United States or is merely sufficient to support detention for law-enforcement purposes.  

    A totalitarian police state would impose the equivalent of martial law to accomplish such purpose, but the inherent power of a President of the United States as Commander in Chief includes (and should be deemed by the Supreme Court to include) the power to detain a citizen without affording such citizen access to counsel while affording counsel appointed by a court (for such citizen) an opportunity to argue that the evidence upon which the government relies to effectuate a martial detention of the citizen merely constitutes evidence of criminal conduct (warranting detention merely for law-enforcement purposes) rather than actions as an agent of any organization at war with the United States thereby warranting martial detention.  If such counsel were to persuade the court that the evidence indicates nothing more than mere criminal activity, then the court could so rule and require the government to afford the defendant the full panoply of rights guaranteed by the Constitution.  If such counsel were to fail to so persuade the court, then the court should rule that continued martial detention of the citizen is within the constitutional power of the Commander in Chief through his subordinates in the military chain of command.  

    Furthermore, even if a Commander in Chief were to have some doubts about whether the evidence warrants military detention rather than law-enforcement detention, his/her duty as Commander in Chief would be to seek to exercise such judgment in a manner most consistent with protecting us from terrorism.  Even if a court were to rule otherwise, such ruling would merely be indicative of the separation-of-powers operation of our system of government rather than being indicative of a totalitarian or police-state mentality on the part of the Commander in Chief.

    The logic is self-evident.  If the U.S. government were to apprehend an American citizen on the basis of evidence that he is an agent of such militarily asymmetrical adversary with knowledge of the location of a nuclear bomb within, or en route to, the United States for detonation in the future, no rational person should deem the Constitutional guarantees of the right to remain silent as preventing military detention of such citizen in an effort to discern the location of such people and other agents working towards its detonation.  

    To argue otherwise would be as unsound as it would have been to argue during the War Between the States that Confederate agents captured by the U.S. were entitled to such full panoply of rights rather than being subject to civilized interrogation (without counsel and without resort to legal proceedings) by U.S. military personnel in the course of martial detention (in contrast to detention for mere law-enforcement purposes.)  
--Jim Wrenn, Editor@PoliSat.Com.
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