John Kerry morphs from "John Forbes Kerry" into "John Bubba Kerry" proving he craves popularity more than respect by trying to glom onto Bill Clinton's alleged popularity.

Oct. 24, 2004 #01: Political Satire/Commentary where satire is always commentary but commentary isn't always satire™ (but we're confident you'll know the difference) Search PoliSat.Com Home Tell a friend about PoliSat.Com Subscribe Permanent link to this installment in PoliSat.Com's Archives Google-News list of recent updates About author, Jim Wrenn.

John Kerry morphs from "John Forbes Kerry" into "John Bubba Kerry" proving he craves popularity more than respect by trying to glom onto Bill Clinton's alleged popularity.

John Kerry has engaged Bill Clinton to campaign for him starting in Philadelphia. This is great news for George Bush. It's difficult to imagine a better way to reinforce Bush's theme that John Kerry's tactics for dealing with Islamic Totalitarianistsº¹ would take us back to the pre-9-11 false sense of security of the feel-good 1990's. Kerry apparently believes Clinton's presumed popularity is the equivalent of respect, which it is not. Far more Americans like, than respect, Bill Clinton.

To say that our pre-911 tactical approach to terrorism led directly to 9-11 is not to "blame" Bill Clinton for 9-11. Only the 9-11 terrorists and those who supported and sympathized with them deserve "blame" for 9-11. But John Kerry ability to use "hindsight" to perceive "mistakes" by his political opponents (and, in so doing, ascribe "blame" to them) utterly fails to enable him to understand that our pre-9-11 tic-tac-toe tactical approach was ultimately doomed to failures of ever-increasing intensity-- i.e., from the Saddam Hussein's attempt to assassinate former President Bush, to Hussein's aggressive support of suicide bombers in Israel, to Somalia, to the Embassy bombings in Africa, to the U.S.S. Cole, and then 9-11.

Just as the Gayº² 1890's exemplified a period characterized by a widespread sense of well-being that flowed in part from blissful obliviousness to the gathering dangers that manifested themselves in the form of World War I, the Feel-Good 1990's exemplified a period characterized by a widespread sense of relief that the "Cold War" was over and that except for the occasional "nuisance" of terrorism, America was safer and sounder than ever before. To hear John Kerry and Bill Clinton, it was the Golden Age. Instead, it was a new Gilded Age in a Gilded Cage of Exuberant Irrationality expecting an uninterruptible, onward and upward thundering of a Bull Market. With respect to our vulnerability to terrorism, It was a Fool's Paradise.

By welding himself to Clinton in the waning days of the 2004 Campaign, Kerry seals his fate as a pre-9-11 thinker-- especially in light of Clinton's announced desires to "revitalize" the role of the United Nations by succeeding Kofi Annan as Secretary General. This would complete the circle for John Kerry's "Global Test" for America's war against Islamic Totalitarianists.

Before 9-11, our responses to terrorism constituted tic-tac-toe tactics undisciplined by strategic thinking. After 9-11, George Bush changed our policy from tic-tac-toe tactics to "strategery" chess. Kerry "supported" Bush's strategy in Afghanistan, but who among us seriously thinks a President Kerry (or a President Gore) would have exhibited the bold vision to tackle the overthrow of the Taliban and the pacification of Afghanistan (which a half-million Russian troops had been unable to do over a ten-year period) by forging an alliance with a Pakistani leader poised perilously on the edge of Islamic sympathy to al Qaeda and the Taliban?

Even now, Kerry's critique of Bush's handling of Afghanistan-- i.e., failing to send "enough" American troops to avoid relying on alliances with "war lords" in ousting the Taliban and chasing bin Laden (which, paradoxically would have caused the "war lords" to view us like the Russians rather than like allies and would likely have impeded, rather than promoting, our rapid success in Afghanistan)-- reveals the un-strategic, tic-tac-toe tactical nature of his vision for dealing with terrorism. Kerry would have had us turn our backs on a deadly rattlesnake gradually wiggling out of restraints while we would be crawling through the grass searching for the al Qaeda scorpions. He still doesn't understand that toppling Saddam Hussein was a strategic necessity.

Critics of Bush's use of the preemption rationale for toppling Saddam complain that such rationale would "make more sense" against North Korea and Iran. It's like criticizing an organized crime strike force for first concentrating its efforts against an organized-crime family for which it already has warrants and able assistance from supporting organizations (i.e., allies) rather than leaving that family alone while becoming bogged down in efforts against other organized-crime families for which there are no outstanding warrants and fewer, if any, able allies willing to assist. How many "allies" would have supported preemptive actions against North Korea and Iran? None, of course. Those critics' arguments are not arguments for preemption against North Korea or Iran; rather, they are arguments against preemption against Saddam Hussein. Those critics naively pretend that if we were to have deployed a much larger force to Afghanistan that Saddam Hussein would have obligingly stayed "in his box" and refrained from attacking our rear and our flanks covertly by collaborating with the enemy of his enemy if not overtly by seizing upon our division of forces as an opportunity to attack our forces and/or allies in the Middle East.

º¹·Islamic Totalitarianism is to Islam what the Spanish Inquisition was to Catholicism; it's what the Ku Klux Klan was to Christianity; it's what Stalinism and Maoism were (and French Intellectualism and American Secular Fundamentalism are) to secular thinking. To learn why I coined the term "secular fundamentalism" and what it means, go here, here, here and here.

º²·For students educated in American History before the advent of NEA Political Correctness, the term "Gay 1890's" had nothing to do with sexual preference (except perhaps preferences for sex) in an era of a false sense of security about the gathering dangers that manifested themselves in the form of World War I a few years later.

--Jim Wrenn, Editor at PoliSat.Com

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